Tatars
Within the framework of the International Project "Interaction of Turkic Languages and Culture in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan" a sociolinguistic survey was held among representatives of the Tatar diaspora. The Tatar ethnic group mainly lives in Northern Kazakhstan.
Representatives of many Turkic nations live in the northern and central regions of Kazakhstan: Petropavlovsk, Kostanay, Akmola, Aktobe, Karagandy, Pavlodar regions: Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashes, Azeris, Turks, Kumyks, Kyrgyzs and others.
A Brief Historical Reference
The historical, cultural and linguistic situation in the northern region differs significantly from the southern region: the Turkic nations, like many others, found themselves in southern Kazakhstan, at the beginning and in the middle of the XX century as a result of political repression, forced relocations during the Great Patriotic War, the resettlement in the north of the country of Turkic peoples was voluntary and started much earlier.
Among the Turkic nations of the northern region, the Tatars are the largest diaspora, and they occupy a special place in the life of the indigenous population of the Kazakhs.
As the historical materials show, the migration of Tatars to Kazakhstan has its historical, political, economic prerequisites. The first settlers appeared in the XVI century, when Ivan the Terrible defeated Kazan, the Kazan khanate and many Tatar families, fleeing violence, rushed to the east, to Siberia, to Kazakhstan and to the other southern territories. At the beginning of the XVIII century, the tsarist government pursued a policy of Christianization of the Tatar population, which did not yield the desired results. Then, in order to strengthen the state policy, Catherine II changed it from forced Christianization of foreigners towards development of Islam among the Tatars and the other Turkic nations. The accession of Kazakhstan to Russia activates Russia's economic ties with the Eastern countries. In the second half of the XVIII century, the tsarist government organized and encouraged the settlement of Kazakh lands by Tatar peasants, craftsmen, merchants, hoping to establish ties with the Kazakh population with their help.
The first large compact Tatar settlement of Mamlyutka was founded in 1786 by a peasant-migrant A. Mamlyutov. At the same time, a number of other Tatar settlements arose, Tatar peasants from Kazan, Simbirsk, and Nizhny Novgorod provinces arrived there in the XVIII century. The main occupation of the settlers was initially cattle breeding, later it was replaced by arable farming [1, p.26].
The territory of Kazakhstan was crossed by the main caravan routes, along the Irtysh and north-western Kazakhstan, new cities were built - the fortifications of Petropavlovsk, Semipalatinsk, Kustanai, Uralsk, Orenburg, which became centers for economic ties, trade, education, and culture. According to archival materials, "Petropavlovsk as the largest city of Northern Kazakhstan since the end of the XVIII century had become the center of trade, a kind of bridge between the Asian steppes and Russia, and later Europe." By the end of the XVIII century there were such merchants as Abdrashitov, Yasupov, Shakulov and the others in Petropavlovsk. By the end of the XIX century in Petropavlovsk there were about 100 Tatar hereditary noblemen, and of the 450 people belonging to merchant families, there were 300 Tatars. According to the 1897 census in the city, 6,129 people considered the Tatar language to be their mothertongue. They accounted for one third of the population of Petropavlovsk [2].
Strengthening tsarist policy in Kazakhstan was possible with the involvement of Muslim clergy, therefore mosques were built in these cities. Mosques opened Muslim schools - madrassas, led by trained Tatar mullahs, educated in Bukhara, Samarkand, and later - in Cairo and Constantinople. In the madrassa, language of instruction was Tatar, Arabic, Turkish, Russian were studied as independent subjects. In the madrassas mathematics, geography, natural history, history, physics were taught along with the religious disciplines. Medrese-mektebs emerged, for the Kazakh people they were not only a source of religious knowledge, but also a source of education, knowledge, culture in general. The Kazakh tribal nobility either hired private mullah teachers, usually Tatars for their children, or gave them for training to madrassas, mektebs. So, the famous Kazakh poet Abai Kunanbayev received his primary education from the Tatar mullah at home, then studied at the Semipalatinsk madrassa.
At the end of the XIX century, at the beginning of the XX century, madrassas, mektebs, specialized schools began to function actively in the large cities and settlements of Kazakhstan, most of them were opened thanks to the funds provided by merchants, donations of wealthy traders and entrepreneurs. In Petropavlovsk by 1872 there were seven private schools for Muslim children, in Semipalatinsk in those years there were nine private schools. Kazakh researcher Chokan Valikhanov noted that "one should recognize our Tatar traders the main drivers of this Muslim education", and in his article "On Islam in the steppe" he wrote: in almost every aul there is a nomadic school where teachers are mostly Tatar mullahs or seminarians [3, p.55].
Tatar merchants and mullahs distributed literature, books of spiritual and secular content. In 1908 a Muslim library and a reading room were opened in Petropavlovsk with the help of Muslim merchants. There was a tradition to record poems and songs and distribute them in the lists. Books in Kazakh and Tatar were in great demand among the Kazakh population.
The enlightened Tatars, together with Kazakh leaders, organized publishing newspapers, journals, and contributed to the development of theatrical art. So, the well-known Tatar poet Gabdulla Tukay, having received his education in the madrassa of Uralsk, was one of the organizers and editors of the newspaper “Fiker” and the journals “Uklar” and “Al-Garcel Jadit”, popular among the population. Another Tatar poet Akram Galimov, born in Akmolinsk, who spoke Tatar and Kazakh, was the executive secretary of the Kazakh journal "Aykal" [www.tmk.kz].
In 1913, the Kazakh-Tatar newspaper in two languages "Ishim dalasy" started to come out in Petropavlovsk, and in 1917 the weekly "Yul" edited by H.Munasypov was released, in the same years about 30 issues of the newspaper "Mayak" were published [1, p.74].
It is known that in the cities of Semipalatinsk, Petropavlovsk, Aktobe, Kustanai, Alma-Ata, in early XX century amateur Tatar theater companies, which gave different performances and organized concerts, started functioning. Z.Mahmutov writes that in early XX century there was a Tatar theater of drama in the north of Kazakhstan, which put on stage "Galiyabanu" by M. Faizi, "Bulat Baba", "Khan Kyzy" by K. Tinchurin, "Insidiousness and Love" by Schiller, “Hindly kyzy” of the Turkish poet and playwright A. Tarhan" [1, p.75].
Thus, for the Kazakh people, the Tatars were not only a source of trade and economic development, but also a source of dissemination and strengthening of Islam, religious and secular education, the development of theatrical art and the media. Therefore, for the Kazakh people religion, education, enlightenment were associated with representatives of the Tatar ethnic group for a long time. The Kazakh land attracted Tatars with the benevolent attitude of the indigenous population, the kindred language, common faith, similar national and sociocultural problems. It is known that Tatar mullahs often married Kazakh women, whereas, the representatives of the Kazakh nobility and intelligentsia married educated Tatar women (Khan Jakhangir, writer M. Auezov and many others). The historical and socio-cultural ties between the Kazakhs and Tatars were further strengthened by family and kinship relations, as evidenced by proverbs common in the steppe: "Where is a Tatar, there is no need for an interpreter", "Tatar is much closer than your own in-law", "Every Tatar is a Mullah", "Tatars are closer to Allah, than we are"[4].
The number of Tatars and their places of residence
Today, the Tatar diaspora is one of the largest in Kazakhstan, according to the latest census in the Republic of Kazakhstan, there are 204,229 people of the Tatar population.
Dynamics of the population of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan based on the population census:
1970 – 285,689
1979 – 312,626
1989 – 320,747
1999 – 248,954
2009 – 204,229
Representatives of the Tatar ethnic group of Kazakhstan are very open, easily enter into contacts with researchers, this is evidenced by the statistical data of the sociolinguistic survey which involved 621 representatives of the Tatar ethnic group. Tatars live in all regions of Kazakhstan. Thus, the majority of informants who took part in the survey live in the Akmola region - 148 people (23.8), 111 (17.9%) - in the Aktobe region, in East Kazakhstan - 41 (6.6%), in Pavlodar - 41 (6.6%), in Karaganda region - 38 people (6.1%), in North Kazakhstan oblast - 23 (3.7%), in South Kazakhstan - 55 (8.9%), in Almaty area 9 (1.4%), according to 101 people (16.3%) - there is no data on this item.
National-cultural associations of Tatars, supporting their language and culture
The Tatar language is the state language of the Republic of Tatarstan, an exogenous language of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan.
In Kazakhstan there are over 20 Tatar and Tatar-Bashkir national-cultural centers. The largest is the association "Idel", which unites 18 national and cultural centers in 15 regions of Kazakhstan and is one of the co-founders of the Assembly of the Nation of Kazakhstan, whose chairman is the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev [5, p.6].
At the Tatar cultural centers, there are Sunday schools, where the Tatar language, folk traditions, history and culture of the people are studied.
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, the Faculty of Philology conducts free courses for studying the Tatar language. The courses are held twice a week in the educational and cultural center of the Institute of Kayum Nasyri (http://www.idel.kz/).
Statistical analysis of the socio-cultural situation of the Tatars based on the results of the survey
Verified knowledge about the life of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan was obtained through the electronic processing of the survey data, carried out within the framework of the project. To determine specific data, we focus on the most important questions of the survey. Such key concepts include: reasons for resettlement to the Republic of Kazakhstan, age, sex, citizenship, ethnic identification by passport, personal self-identification, marriages, mixed first and second generation marriages and ethnic definition of children, religious or cult affiliation, language of study (education), knowledge of the native language and knowledge of the other languages.
The survey data confirmed the historical aspects of the migration of Tatars noted above: thus, out of 632 people, 555 Tatars consider themselves to be indigenous residents of Kazakhstan. The respondents note that their stay in Kazakhstan began in 1816 and continues to the present. Among the reasons for the resettlement to Kazakhstan are the following: "we were the first settlers who lived in the city of Verny," "famine," dekulakization, during the industrialization of Kazakhstan "the construction of the Lead Plant (Shymkent)", during the "Stalinist repressions", "deportation", "for work","in search of happiness", "development of virgin lands, "at will", for "improving welfare", "marriage," "favorable living conditions," since "grandparents once moved to Kazakhstan" or even "great-grandfathers and great-grandmothers did this".
Reasons for resettlement in the XX - XXI centuries are the most diverse: 6 people indicated famine, 7 people - development of virgin land, 10 - deportation and repression, 3 people - improvement of financial condition, 20 people - work, 15 - family circumstances, 16 respondents do not know the reasons for resettlement. The majority of migrants are from Russia, Tatarstan, some have moved from Bashkiria, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia and Uzbekistan.
The reasons for wanting to leave Kazakhstan are also various: getting education, finding work, improving living conditions, returning to a historical homeland, or personal and family circumstances (creating a family). Many of the informants interviewed have family members or relatives who left Kazakhstan for Russia, Tatarstan, Turkey, Germany, Bashkiria, France and Albania, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, the Czech Republic and the United States.
The survey also revealed internal migration of Tatars within Kazakhstan: 95 people moved to different regions of Kazakhstan. The reasons for internal migration are mainly work, getting an education (admission to an institution of higher learning), family circumstances, and moving from rural area to a city.
Age. According to the age parameters, informants were divided into 4 age groups, the boundaries of which, of course, are conditional, not rigidly determined.
I. Children and teenagers at the age of 11 to 17: 51 people
II. Mature group including young adults from 18 to 37: 342 people
III. Informants of the sovereign Kazakhstan era aged 38 to 50: 118 people
IV. Elderly aged 51 to 89 years: 121 people.
The second group up to 38 years old was the largest in number (342 out of 632 informants), this is the most fruitful age in terms of both physical and intellectual development.
Representatives of many Turkic nations live in the northern and central regions of Kazakhstan: Petropavlovsk, Kostanay, Akmola, Aktobe, Karagandy, Pavlodar regions: Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashes, Azeris, Turks, Kumyks, Kyrgyzs and others.
A Brief Historical Reference
The historical, cultural and linguistic situation in the northern region differs significantly from the southern region: the Turkic nations, like many others, found themselves in southern Kazakhstan, at the beginning and in the middle of the XX century as a result of political repression, forced relocations during the Great Patriotic War, the resettlement in the north of the country of Turkic peoples was voluntary and started much earlier.
Among the Turkic nations of the northern region, the Tatars are the largest diaspora, and they occupy a special place in the life of the indigenous population of the Kazakhs.
As the historical materials show, the migration of Tatars to Kazakhstan has its historical, political, economic prerequisites. The first settlers appeared in the XVI century, when Ivan the Terrible defeated Kazan, the Kazan khanate and many Tatar families, fleeing violence, rushed to the east, to Siberia, to Kazakhstan and to the other southern territories. At the beginning of the XVIII century, the tsarist government pursued a policy of Christianization of the Tatar population, which did not yield the desired results. Then, in order to strengthen the state policy, Catherine II changed it from forced Christianization of foreigners towards development of Islam among the Tatars and the other Turkic nations. The accession of Kazakhstan to Russia activates Russia's economic ties with the Eastern countries. In the second half of the XVIII century, the tsarist government organized and encouraged the settlement of Kazakh lands by Tatar peasants, craftsmen, merchants, hoping to establish ties with the Kazakh population with their help.
The first large compact Tatar settlement of Mamlyutka was founded in 1786 by a peasant-migrant A. Mamlyutov. At the same time, a number of other Tatar settlements arose, Tatar peasants from Kazan, Simbirsk, and Nizhny Novgorod provinces arrived there in the XVIII century. The main occupation of the settlers was initially cattle breeding, later it was replaced by arable farming [1, p.26].
The territory of Kazakhstan was crossed by the main caravan routes, along the Irtysh and north-western Kazakhstan, new cities were built - the fortifications of Petropavlovsk, Semipalatinsk, Kustanai, Uralsk, Orenburg, which became centers for economic ties, trade, education, and culture. According to archival materials, "Petropavlovsk as the largest city of Northern Kazakhstan since the end of the XVIII century had become the center of trade, a kind of bridge between the Asian steppes and Russia, and later Europe." By the end of the XVIII century there were such merchants as Abdrashitov, Yasupov, Shakulov and the others in Petropavlovsk. By the end of the XIX century in Petropavlovsk there were about 100 Tatar hereditary noblemen, and of the 450 people belonging to merchant families, there were 300 Tatars. According to the 1897 census in the city, 6,129 people considered the Tatar language to be their mothertongue. They accounted for one third of the population of Petropavlovsk [2].
Strengthening tsarist policy in Kazakhstan was possible with the involvement of Muslim clergy, therefore mosques were built in these cities. Mosques opened Muslim schools - madrassas, led by trained Tatar mullahs, educated in Bukhara, Samarkand, and later - in Cairo and Constantinople. In the madrassa, language of instruction was Tatar, Arabic, Turkish, Russian were studied as independent subjects. In the madrassas mathematics, geography, natural history, history, physics were taught along with the religious disciplines. Medrese-mektebs emerged, for the Kazakh people they were not only a source of religious knowledge, but also a source of education, knowledge, culture in general. The Kazakh tribal nobility either hired private mullah teachers, usually Tatars for their children, or gave them for training to madrassas, mektebs. So, the famous Kazakh poet Abai Kunanbayev received his primary education from the Tatar mullah at home, then studied at the Semipalatinsk madrassa.
At the end of the XIX century, at the beginning of the XX century, madrassas, mektebs, specialized schools began to function actively in the large cities and settlements of Kazakhstan, most of them were opened thanks to the funds provided by merchants, donations of wealthy traders and entrepreneurs. In Petropavlovsk by 1872 there were seven private schools for Muslim children, in Semipalatinsk in those years there were nine private schools. Kazakh researcher Chokan Valikhanov noted that "one should recognize our Tatar traders the main drivers of this Muslim education", and in his article "On Islam in the steppe" he wrote: in almost every aul there is a nomadic school where teachers are mostly Tatar mullahs or seminarians [3, p.55].
Tatar merchants and mullahs distributed literature, books of spiritual and secular content. In 1908 a Muslim library and a reading room were opened in Petropavlovsk with the help of Muslim merchants. There was a tradition to record poems and songs and distribute them in the lists. Books in Kazakh and Tatar were in great demand among the Kazakh population.
The enlightened Tatars, together with Kazakh leaders, organized publishing newspapers, journals, and contributed to the development of theatrical art. So, the well-known Tatar poet Gabdulla Tukay, having received his education in the madrassa of Uralsk, was one of the organizers and editors of the newspaper “Fiker” and the journals “Uklar” and “Al-Garcel Jadit”, popular among the population. Another Tatar poet Akram Galimov, born in Akmolinsk, who spoke Tatar and Kazakh, was the executive secretary of the Kazakh journal "Aykal" [www.tmk.kz].
In 1913, the Kazakh-Tatar newspaper in two languages "Ishim dalasy" started to come out in Petropavlovsk, and in 1917 the weekly "Yul" edited by H.Munasypov was released, in the same years about 30 issues of the newspaper "Mayak" were published [1, p.74].
It is known that in the cities of Semipalatinsk, Petropavlovsk, Aktobe, Kustanai, Alma-Ata, in early XX century amateur Tatar theater companies, which gave different performances and organized concerts, started functioning. Z.Mahmutov writes that in early XX century there was a Tatar theater of drama in the north of Kazakhstan, which put on stage "Galiyabanu" by M. Faizi, "Bulat Baba", "Khan Kyzy" by K. Tinchurin, "Insidiousness and Love" by Schiller, “Hindly kyzy” of the Turkish poet and playwright A. Tarhan" [1, p.75].
Thus, for the Kazakh people, the Tatars were not only a source of trade and economic development, but also a source of dissemination and strengthening of Islam, religious and secular education, the development of theatrical art and the media. Therefore, for the Kazakh people religion, education, enlightenment were associated with representatives of the Tatar ethnic group for a long time. The Kazakh land attracted Tatars with the benevolent attitude of the indigenous population, the kindred language, common faith, similar national and sociocultural problems. It is known that Tatar mullahs often married Kazakh women, whereas, the representatives of the Kazakh nobility and intelligentsia married educated Tatar women (Khan Jakhangir, writer M. Auezov and many others). The historical and socio-cultural ties between the Kazakhs and Tatars were further strengthened by family and kinship relations, as evidenced by proverbs common in the steppe: "Where is a Tatar, there is no need for an interpreter", "Tatar is much closer than your own in-law", "Every Tatar is a Mullah", "Tatars are closer to Allah, than we are"[4].
The number of Tatars and their places of residence
Today, the Tatar diaspora is one of the largest in Kazakhstan, according to the latest census in the Republic of Kazakhstan, there are 204,229 people of the Tatar population.
Dynamics of the population of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan based on the population census:
1970 – 285,689
1979 – 312,626
1989 – 320,747
1999 – 248,954
2009 – 204,229
Representatives of the Tatar ethnic group of Kazakhstan are very open, easily enter into contacts with researchers, this is evidenced by the statistical data of the sociolinguistic survey which involved 621 representatives of the Tatar ethnic group. Tatars live in all regions of Kazakhstan. Thus, the majority of informants who took part in the survey live in the Akmola region - 148 people (23.8), 111 (17.9%) - in the Aktobe region, in East Kazakhstan - 41 (6.6%), in Pavlodar - 41 (6.6%), in Karaganda region - 38 people (6.1%), in North Kazakhstan oblast - 23 (3.7%), in South Kazakhstan - 55 (8.9%), in Almaty area 9 (1.4%), according to 101 people (16.3%) - there is no data on this item.
National-cultural associations of Tatars, supporting their language and culture
The Tatar language is the state language of the Republic of Tatarstan, an exogenous language of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan.
In Kazakhstan there are over 20 Tatar and Tatar-Bashkir national-cultural centers. The largest is the association "Idel", which unites 18 national and cultural centers in 15 regions of Kazakhstan and is one of the co-founders of the Assembly of the Nation of Kazakhstan, whose chairman is the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev [5, p.6].
At the Tatar cultural centers, there are Sunday schools, where the Tatar language, folk traditions, history and culture of the people are studied.
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, the Faculty of Philology conducts free courses for studying the Tatar language. The courses are held twice a week in the educational and cultural center of the Institute of Kayum Nasyri (http://www.idel.kz/).
Statistical analysis of the socio-cultural situation of the Tatars based on the results of the survey
Verified knowledge about the life of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan was obtained through the electronic processing of the survey data, carried out within the framework of the project. To determine specific data, we focus on the most important questions of the survey. Such key concepts include: reasons for resettlement to the Republic of Kazakhstan, age, sex, citizenship, ethnic identification by passport, personal self-identification, marriages, mixed first and second generation marriages and ethnic definition of children, religious or cult affiliation, language of study (education), knowledge of the native language and knowledge of the other languages.
The survey data confirmed the historical aspects of the migration of Tatars noted above: thus, out of 632 people, 555 Tatars consider themselves to be indigenous residents of Kazakhstan. The respondents note that their stay in Kazakhstan began in 1816 and continues to the present. Among the reasons for the resettlement to Kazakhstan are the following: "we were the first settlers who lived in the city of Verny," "famine," dekulakization, during the industrialization of Kazakhstan "the construction of the Lead Plant (Shymkent)", during the "Stalinist repressions", "deportation", "for work","in search of happiness", "development of virgin lands, "at will", for "improving welfare", "marriage," "favorable living conditions," since "grandparents once moved to Kazakhstan" or even "great-grandfathers and great-grandmothers did this".
Reasons for resettlement in the XX - XXI centuries are the most diverse: 6 people indicated famine, 7 people - development of virgin land, 10 - deportation and repression, 3 people - improvement of financial condition, 20 people - work, 15 - family circumstances, 16 respondents do not know the reasons for resettlement. The majority of migrants are from Russia, Tatarstan, some have moved from Bashkiria, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia and Uzbekistan.
The reasons for wanting to leave Kazakhstan are also various: getting education, finding work, improving living conditions, returning to a historical homeland, or personal and family circumstances (creating a family). Many of the informants interviewed have family members or relatives who left Kazakhstan for Russia, Tatarstan, Turkey, Germany, Bashkiria, France and Albania, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, the Czech Republic and the United States.
The survey also revealed internal migration of Tatars within Kazakhstan: 95 people moved to different regions of Kazakhstan. The reasons for internal migration are mainly work, getting an education (admission to an institution of higher learning), family circumstances, and moving from rural area to a city.
Age. According to the age parameters, informants were divided into 4 age groups, the boundaries of which, of course, are conditional, not rigidly determined.
I. Children and teenagers at the age of 11 to 17: 51 people
II. Mature group including young adults from 18 to 37: 342 people
III. Informants of the sovereign Kazakhstan era aged 38 to 50: 118 people
IV. Elderly aged 51 to 89 years: 121 people.
The second group up to 38 years old was the largest in number (342 out of 632 informants), this is the most fruitful age in terms of both physical and intellectual development.
The gender ratio was equal: 50% of men, 50% of women. But the gender aspect has its significance in mixed families and age categories (see below).
Citizenship: 614 people (97%) out of 632 informants are the citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 18 Tatars are not citizens of Kazakhstan, 9 of them are citizens of Russia, 7 people have nationality of Uzbekistan, there are no data on 2 respondents.
The studies on ethnicity, ethnic identity, indicated in passport, self-identification, especially in mixed families have been particularly interesting. 612 people (96.8%) out of 632 informants are Tatars according their passports; 6 people are written as Kazakhs, five of them have Kazakh mothers, one has a Kazakh father; 2 people are Russian according to their passports, although they are ethnic Tatars; 12 people do not have passport data.
As for ethnic self-identification, most informants identify themselves as Tatars. But at the same time, the survey shows a unique ethnic and cultural situation in Kazakhstan in terms of self-identification of informants. Thus, 55 (9%) out of 632 informants do not identify themselves as Tatars, 12 of them identify themselves as Kazakhs (22%), 7 of them have Kazakh mothers (that is 58.3%), 23 people represent themselves as Russians (42%), of which 12 have Russian mothers (52%), 2 people identify themselves as Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijani mothers, 100%), 8 people have Tatar fathers and mothers, but they refer themselves to Russian, two informants who have Bashkir fathers and Tatar mothers self-identify as Russians, but as they are married to Kumyk women, their children are considered Kumyks (14.5%); 9 people find it difficult to answer.
Two factors have been revealed in ethnic self-identification. The first: a child in the family identifies himself/herself more with his/her mother's ethnic group, i.e. the maternal line, regardless of ethnic group, was dominant, which is proved by the figures of Kazakh 58%, Russian 52%, Azerbaijani 100%, Kumyk 100%. What are these figures saying? The fact is that now in Kazakhstan (maybe not only in Kazakhstan) the formation of mentality, consciousness, culture is more influenced by the mother than the father.
The second point is that the Russians have a great impact on the self-identification of Tatars (22% represent themselves as Kazakhs, 56.6% as Russians) which is confirmed by the data when people identify themselves as Russians although both their parents are Tatars (Bashkirs, etc.). The last case in this context is really unique. In our view, self-identification of the informants as Russians can be explained by a variety of reasons: the historical influence of the Russian culture, the environment, excellent knowledge of the Russian language and the ignorance of the native language, interpersonal relationships (friends, colleagues) and the other reasons.
The studies on ethnicity, ethnic identity, indicated in passport, self-identification, especially in mixed families have been particularly interesting. 612 people (96.8%) out of 632 informants are Tatars according their passports; 6 people are written as Kazakhs, five of them have Kazakh mothers, one has a Kazakh father; 2 people are Russian according to their passports, although they are ethnic Tatars; 12 people do not have passport data.
As for ethnic self-identification, most informants identify themselves as Tatars. But at the same time, the survey shows a unique ethnic and cultural situation in Kazakhstan in terms of self-identification of informants. Thus, 55 (9%) out of 632 informants do not identify themselves as Tatars, 12 of them identify themselves as Kazakhs (22%), 7 of them have Kazakh mothers (that is 58.3%), 23 people represent themselves as Russians (42%), of which 12 have Russian mothers (52%), 2 people identify themselves as Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijani mothers, 100%), 8 people have Tatar fathers and mothers, but they refer themselves to Russian, two informants who have Bashkir fathers and Tatar mothers self-identify as Russians, but as they are married to Kumyk women, their children are considered Kumyks (14.5%); 9 people find it difficult to answer.
Two factors have been revealed in ethnic self-identification. The first: a child in the family identifies himself/herself more with his/her mother's ethnic group, i.e. the maternal line, regardless of ethnic group, was dominant, which is proved by the figures of Kazakh 58%, Russian 52%, Azerbaijani 100%, Kumyk 100%. What are these figures saying? The fact is that now in Kazakhstan (maybe not only in Kazakhstan) the formation of mentality, consciousness, culture is more influenced by the mother than the father.
The second point is that the Russians have a great impact on the self-identification of Tatars (22% represent themselves as Kazakhs, 56.6% as Russians) which is confirmed by the data when people identify themselves as Russians although both their parents are Tatars (Bashkirs, etc.). The last case in this context is really unique. In our view, self-identification of the informants as Russians can be explained by a variety of reasons: the historical influence of the Russian culture, the environment, excellent knowledge of the Russian language and the ignorance of the native language, interpersonal relationships (friends, colleagues) and the other reasons.
In family relations, the Tatars prefer to create family with representatives of their ethnic groups, as evidenced by the main body of the database. At the same time, there are mixed marriages that represent interesting family relations in terms of the interaction of cultures and ethnic groups in the Republic of Kazakhstan.
Mixed marriages: One of the parents, either father or mother, does not belong to a Tatar ethnic group. Mixed marriages are described taking into account the age-specific factors, according to which the first generation is parents and the second generation is children (grandchildren).
The first generation of parents has the following pattern.
The father is not a Tatar: Five have Kazakh fathers: three of them have Tatar mothers, no data on the rest two mothers, one of them is indicated in his passport as a Kazakh, four others as Tatars, but all five consider themselves to be Tatars; two have Bashkir fathers and Tatar mothers, and by their passports both are indicated as Tatars, consider themselves to be Russians and both are married to Kumyk women; four have Talysh fathers, two of them have Tatar mothers, and two have Kazakh mothers, all four consider themselves to be Tatars by ethnicity, by passport and self-identification; seven have Turkish fathers, the mothers of all 7 are Tatars, by nationality, passport and self-identification, all seven informants represent themselves as Tatars; three informants have no data about their fathers.
The mother is not a Tatar: 65 mothers are Russians, 64 mothers are Kazakhs, 5 mothers are Azeri (all five have Tatar fathers, but two of them, by self-identification, consider themselves as Azerbaijanis), 6 mothers are Bashkirs, 2 mothers are Uzbeks, one mother is a Balkar woman. 10 informants have no data about their mothers.
It is worth mentioning that in the mixed families of the older generation, where fathers are Kazakhs, Bashkirs, Turks, Talysh, and mothers are Tatars, the children are recorded as Tatars, i.e. that the priority is given again to the maternal lineage. In mixed marriages with Tatar women, the Tatar ethnic origin is dominant. In general, older generation of Tatar women married mostly to Tatar men, marriages between Tatar women and representatives of the other ethnic groups were fewer, thus they preserved ethnic culture, tradition and mentality. If the Tatar women marry the representatives of the other ethnic groups, they tend to dominate over their husbands.
As the data show, Tatar men tend to create mixed marriages more than Tatar women. Tatar men marry Russian women, Kazakh women and representatives of the Turkic/non-Turkic ethnic groups of the Republic. Children in such families, by ethnic identification, tend to choose the maternal lineage.
Second generation of children and grandchildren.
The following was discovered in the second generation, when one of the spouses is not of a Tatar nationality:
Kazakhs-84 people (13.2%)
Russians-70 people (11%)
Uzbeks-8 people
Bashkirs-7 people
Azerbaijanians-5 people,
Turks-4 people,
Kumyks-2 people,
1 Balkarian.
The number of mixed marriages in the second generation between Tatars and Kazakhs or Russians exceeds the number of Tatars who married the representatives of the other ethnic groups. Whereas in mixed marriages in the first generation the Tatar fathers preferred to marry Russian women, in the second generation the number of marriages with Kazakhs increases.
Another interesting figures are represented by the number of Tatar-Kazakh, Tatar-Russian marriages categorized by the age group and ethnic identification of children. Thus, in the second age group (18-37 years) there are more Kazakhs - 47 people, with 22 children recorded as Kazakhs, which is 46%. In the same age group there are 33 Russians (either women or men) and 7 children are listed as Russians, which is 21%. The third age group (38-50 years) includes 18 Kazakhs and 17 Russians with 6 children represented as Kazakhs (33%), but in the Tatar-Russian group only one child is recorded as Russian (5%). The fourth group (51-89 years) consists of 18 Kazakhs and 8 children recorded as Kazakhs (44%), 20 Russians and 8 children recorded as Russians (40%).
The analysis of the data shows a slightly different pattern of the ethnic identification among informants of the second generation of mixed marriages: the number of marriages with Kazakhs in the second age group slightly exceeds the number of marriages with Russians or with other Turkic nations. The number of mixed marriages with Kazakhs and Russians in the third and fourth age groups are almost similar. Children in the Tatar-Kazakh families are mostly recorded as Kazakhs, and the largest marker of this is the second largest and relatively young age group, the era of sovereign Kazakhstan (46%-2nd gr., 33%-3rd gr., 44%-4th gr.). In Tatar-Russian families fewer children are recorded as Russians (21% 2nd gr., 5%-3rd gr., 40%-4th gr.).
Ethnic identification of children: As we have noted above, the maternal lineage often dominates in Tatar families, but the inquiry regarding nationality of children in mixed families has shown starkly different results. The majority, namely 358 people, said that nationality should be determined through the father; 36 people believe that this is a personal choice of the child, i.e. the child must decide for himself; 18 people replied that they should be Kazakhs; 18 people replied that their children should be identified as Kazakhs or Russians; 7 people - as Tatars; 3 - as Russians. Sixteen informants noted that children should be considered mestizo (of mixed race) or mixed nationalities; 7 people believe that the identity of children should be agreed upon by the spouses and by mutual decision; 4 people believe that the nationality of the child does not matter; 7 people do not know, 6 are undecided; 151 informants did not reply on this subject.
In our view, the Turkic-ethnic nature of mixed Tatar families coincides with the era of sovereign Kazakhstan, with the expansion and strengthening of the culture of the Kazakh people, with a focus on their own Turkic origin, culture.
Religious or traditional distinctive feature: Among 632 informants, 487 Tatar people have replied that they are Muslims; 40 belong to Christians; 11 people called themselves atheists and 1 person identified himself as agnostic; 4 defined their cult as a religious affiliation; 2 are still to choose and 2 are undecided; 85 people did not answer this question.
Mixed marriages: One of the parents, either father or mother, does not belong to a Tatar ethnic group. Mixed marriages are described taking into account the age-specific factors, according to which the first generation is parents and the second generation is children (grandchildren).
The first generation of parents has the following pattern.
The father is not a Tatar: Five have Kazakh fathers: three of them have Tatar mothers, no data on the rest two mothers, one of them is indicated in his passport as a Kazakh, four others as Tatars, but all five consider themselves to be Tatars; two have Bashkir fathers and Tatar mothers, and by their passports both are indicated as Tatars, consider themselves to be Russians and both are married to Kumyk women; four have Talysh fathers, two of them have Tatar mothers, and two have Kazakh mothers, all four consider themselves to be Tatars by ethnicity, by passport and self-identification; seven have Turkish fathers, the mothers of all 7 are Tatars, by nationality, passport and self-identification, all seven informants represent themselves as Tatars; three informants have no data about their fathers.
The mother is not a Tatar: 65 mothers are Russians, 64 mothers are Kazakhs, 5 mothers are Azeri (all five have Tatar fathers, but two of them, by self-identification, consider themselves as Azerbaijanis), 6 mothers are Bashkirs, 2 mothers are Uzbeks, one mother is a Balkar woman. 10 informants have no data about their mothers.
It is worth mentioning that in the mixed families of the older generation, where fathers are Kazakhs, Bashkirs, Turks, Talysh, and mothers are Tatars, the children are recorded as Tatars, i.e. that the priority is given again to the maternal lineage. In mixed marriages with Tatar women, the Tatar ethnic origin is dominant. In general, older generation of Tatar women married mostly to Tatar men, marriages between Tatar women and representatives of the other ethnic groups were fewer, thus they preserved ethnic culture, tradition and mentality. If the Tatar women marry the representatives of the other ethnic groups, they tend to dominate over their husbands.
As the data show, Tatar men tend to create mixed marriages more than Tatar women. Tatar men marry Russian women, Kazakh women and representatives of the Turkic/non-Turkic ethnic groups of the Republic. Children in such families, by ethnic identification, tend to choose the maternal lineage.
Second generation of children and grandchildren.
The following was discovered in the second generation, when one of the spouses is not of a Tatar nationality:
Kazakhs-84 people (13.2%)
Russians-70 people (11%)
Uzbeks-8 people
Bashkirs-7 people
Azerbaijanians-5 people,
Turks-4 people,
Kumyks-2 people,
1 Balkarian.
The number of mixed marriages in the second generation between Tatars and Kazakhs or Russians exceeds the number of Tatars who married the representatives of the other ethnic groups. Whereas in mixed marriages in the first generation the Tatar fathers preferred to marry Russian women, in the second generation the number of marriages with Kazakhs increases.
Another interesting figures are represented by the number of Tatar-Kazakh, Tatar-Russian marriages categorized by the age group and ethnic identification of children. Thus, in the second age group (18-37 years) there are more Kazakhs - 47 people, with 22 children recorded as Kazakhs, which is 46%. In the same age group there are 33 Russians (either women or men) and 7 children are listed as Russians, which is 21%. The third age group (38-50 years) includes 18 Kazakhs and 17 Russians with 6 children represented as Kazakhs (33%), but in the Tatar-Russian group only one child is recorded as Russian (5%). The fourth group (51-89 years) consists of 18 Kazakhs and 8 children recorded as Kazakhs (44%), 20 Russians and 8 children recorded as Russians (40%).
The analysis of the data shows a slightly different pattern of the ethnic identification among informants of the second generation of mixed marriages: the number of marriages with Kazakhs in the second age group slightly exceeds the number of marriages with Russians or with other Turkic nations. The number of mixed marriages with Kazakhs and Russians in the third and fourth age groups are almost similar. Children in the Tatar-Kazakh families are mostly recorded as Kazakhs, and the largest marker of this is the second largest and relatively young age group, the era of sovereign Kazakhstan (46%-2nd gr., 33%-3rd gr., 44%-4th gr.). In Tatar-Russian families fewer children are recorded as Russians (21% 2nd gr., 5%-3rd gr., 40%-4th gr.).
Ethnic identification of children: As we have noted above, the maternal lineage often dominates in Tatar families, but the inquiry regarding nationality of children in mixed families has shown starkly different results. The majority, namely 358 people, said that nationality should be determined through the father; 36 people believe that this is a personal choice of the child, i.e. the child must decide for himself; 18 people replied that they should be Kazakhs; 18 people replied that their children should be identified as Kazakhs or Russians; 7 people - as Tatars; 3 - as Russians. Sixteen informants noted that children should be considered mestizo (of mixed race) or mixed nationalities; 7 people believe that the identity of children should be agreed upon by the spouses and by mutual decision; 4 people believe that the nationality of the child does not matter; 7 people do not know, 6 are undecided; 151 informants did not reply on this subject.
In our view, the Turkic-ethnic nature of mixed Tatar families coincides with the era of sovereign Kazakhstan, with the expansion and strengthening of the culture of the Kazakh people, with a focus on their own Turkic origin, culture.
Religious or traditional distinctive feature: Among 632 informants, 487 Tatar people have replied that they are Muslims; 40 belong to Christians; 11 people called themselves atheists and 1 person identified himself as agnostic; 4 defined their cult as a religious affiliation; 2 are still to choose and 2 are undecided; 85 people did not answer this question.
The Tatars are quite educated: 94% have secondary and incomplete secondary education, 69% higher and incomplete higher education. The Tatars choose Russian as the language of education more often, as confirmed by the comparison of the secondary (including not completed) and the higher (including not completed) education: Russian language - 930 persons, Kazakh language - 114, other languages - 14 persons.
Native language, competence in other languages, communicative activities: 632 informants, 568 people consider Tatar as their mother tongue; 32 people believe Russian is their native language; 17 people said Kazakh is their mother tongue; there are no data on 15 people . Also 331 informants noted that knowledge of the mother tongue was "very important"; 209 responded just "important"; 45 said it was "not important"; 6 people replied that it was "not important at all"; 18 are undecided and 23 people did not reply.
Native language, competence in other languages, communicative activities: 632 informants, 568 people consider Tatar as their mother tongue; 32 people believe Russian is their native language; 17 people said Kazakh is their mother tongue; there are no data on 15 people . Also 331 informants noted that knowledge of the mother tongue was "very important"; 209 responded just "important"; 45 said it was "not important"; 6 people replied that it was "not important at all"; 18 are undecided and 23 people did not reply.
As for competence in other languages, 440 people have replied that they know Kazakh (69%); 427 people know Russian (67%); 15 people know Uzbek; 8 people know Turkish; 4 people know Uighur, 2 know Bashkir and 2 know Azeri language; no data on 37 people.
Communicative competence and use of languages: 632 informants, 373 people (59%) use Russian; Tatar is used by 59 people (9.3%); Kazakh is used by 17 (2.6%); 44 (7%) use Tatar, Russian; Tatar, Kazakh is used by 16 (2.5%), Kazakh, Russian - by 38 (6%); Tatar, Kazakh, Russian – by 21 (3.3%); Tatar, Russian, Turkish – by 2 (0.3%); no data on 62 people (9.8%).
These data help to describe the language situation in the Republic, where 69% of the Tatars, similar to the other ethnic groups in Kazakhstan, know the Kazakh language (rather, speak different levels of Kazakh language), almost the same number know Russian. However, for the majority the communication language is Russian (59%), for 2.6% it is Kazakh, and only 9.3% communicate in the Tatar language. The last point means that many ethnic Tatars are increasingly speaking less of their native language. At the same time, there is a bilingualism among the Tatar population that accounts for 15.5% (Tatar-Russian, Tatar-Kazakh, Russian-Kazakh). There is also a trilingualism that accounts for 3.3% (Tatar, Kazakh, Russian, etc.)
Knowledge of verbal folklore and literature
Knowledge of the language involves knowledge of its culture, literature in the mother tongue, and knowledge of the verbal folklore, tales, legends, myths and historical poems. Only about 189 people (30%) were able to name some of the works of Tatar literature and verbal folklore. Many respondents are familiar with the works of the famous Tatar folk poet Gabdulla Tukay (10 people called the poem of G.Tukay "Shurale"). 20 people know the epic "Idegej", 17 people - рistorical songs about "Sujumbike captive", 16 people - the song "Kazan kajgysy"; 13 people remember the legend about Goulash Hanım; 7 people remember the tale "Chukmar and Tukmar"; 6 people remember a fairy tale about the clever donkey and the legend about "Twin rocks near the Gurfuz"; 5 people - the epic about Chura batyr, 4 persons - the poem "Yusuf and Zylikha", the epic "Alpamys", the legend "The Death of Girey" and the tale about Bekire Mustafa; 3 people remember the legend about Ayu-Dage and the "Ziljan" tale. Some remember the historical poems such as "Ravshan hon", "Kadish Mergen", "Solom Torhan" and the other well-known examples of the verbal folklore of Tatar people. In general, however, there is a tendency among the native speakers of the Tatar language towards diminished awareness of verbal folklore and Tatar literature.
Mass Media in Tatar language
The following answers were obtained for the question whether newspapers, magazines, books are published in Kazakhstan in their native language: yes - 216 people; no - 173 people, undecided - 218 people, no data - 25 people.
TV shows in their mother tongue: yes - 356 people; no - 119 people, undecided -135 people, no data - 22 people.
The radio broadcast in their mother tongue: yes - 183 people; no - 203 people, undecided - 224 people, no data - 22 people.
Using Internet in their mother tongue: yes - 136 people; no - 420 people, undecided - 52 people, no data - 24 people. The majority of "no" responses were obtained due to the large amount of information on the Internet given in the Russian language. Are there any Internet forums, blogs, chats in your native language: yes - 339 people; no - 108 people, undecided - 160 people, no data - 25 people.
Text messages in the native language: yes - 118 people, no - 454 people, undecided - 35 people, no data - 25 people, which confirms the minimum use of the mother tongue by Tatars at correspondence.
Conclusions: The cultural analysis shows that the Tatars are one of the many Turkic ethnic groups that have lived in the Republic of Kazakhstan down the ages. Their resettlement to Kazakhstan has historical, economic and cultural background. In the XVIII-XIX century, at the beginning of the XXth century the Tatars had influenced the strengthening of Islam in the Kazakh land, the development of education and culture.
Certain sociocultural tendencies are identified among modern Tatars in Kazakhstan. Among the interviewed informants, 97% of the Tatars are Kazakhstani citizens, and official ethnic identification (by passport) of 96% is recorded as Tatar. In ethnic self-identification, most informants identify themselves as Tatars and 9% informants do not correlate themselves with their ethnicity. There are two factors influencing ethnic self-identification: it is the maternal lineage in mixed families (and the children are represented by the maternal lineage) and the influence of the Russian culture and language (56.5%). Mixed marriages by age group are also interesting: Whereas in the first oldest generation, Tatars were mostly married to Russians, the second generation
increased their number of marriages with Kazakhs (compar. Kazakhs 13.2%, Russians 11%).
In the era of sovereign Kazakhstan, children in Tatar-Kazakh families are mostly recorded as Kazakhs (46% 2nd gr., 33%-3rd gr., 44% - 4th gr.). In Tatar-Russian families fewer children are recorded as Russians (21% 2nd gr., 5%-3rd gr., 40%-4th gr.). These indicators manifest the significance and influence of the Kazakh ethnicity and culture on all nations of Kazakhstan, including the Tatars in the era of sovereign Kazakhstan.
Language is an important aspect. 90% of informants (568 people) consider the Tatar language to be their native language, 70% (440 people) know the Kazakh language, 67.5% know Russian, but, as the reliable data show, education and daily communication are mostly performed in Russian (373 people use the Russian language - 59%; 59 people use the Tatar language- 9.3%; 17 people use the Kazakh language- 2.6%.) At the same time, there are different degrees of bilingualism among the Tatar population (Tatar-Russian, Tatar-Kazakh) and trilingualism.
These surveys also show a significant decline in the Tatars' knowledge of verbal folklore and literature (only 30%). At the same time the preservation of traditions, customs and the Tatar national cuisine is more sustainable.
In our view, there is now a certain cultural situation in the life of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan, some aspects of which are reflected in the records of the students who volunteered for the project. On a survey report a student of a 4th year Sabitova Dilshat writes: "the members of the Tatar ethnic group speak the state language and their mother tongue, fully adopted Kazakh and Russian customs. They enjoy their lifestyles and are happy and have no intention of moving to the other countries. "Very friendly, sympathetic and calm" (the report on work practice of students of the Turkology chair of L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University from 2.09.2013 to 5.10.2013).
Another student Togabaeva Guldana, who conducted a survey in the Alginskij area of Aktobe region states that, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, Kyrgyzs living on the territory of the Alginskij region, know their mother tongue very well, as well as know their own traditions and Kazakh traditions, they willingly respond the survey questions. Whilst some Tatars and Bashkirs, mostly people of the older generation aged over 50, most of whom are original residents of Kazakhstan, are reluctant to answer questions about culture and religion, and the use of their native language. This may be related to the fact that they have lived on the territory of Kazakhstan for a while, started to forget their mother tongue, traditions and customs of their nation, and this is hard for them to realize (The report on work practice of students of the Turkology chair of L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University from 2.09.2013 to 5.10.2013).(Of course, these assessments may be somewhat subjective, but they are still relevant).
Respondents say that they wish "books are published in the Tatar language in Kazakhstan", "hobby groups for learning the Tatar language to be opened", "everyone could speak Kazakh", "happy to live in Kazakhstan", thank us for conducting an interesting project.
Literature
1. Z.Makhmutov Tatars in Northern Kazakhstan (history and modern times). -Petropavlovsk, 2004. -214 p.
2. State Archive of North Kazakhstan region , F. 158, D. 1, L. 2-5.
3. Ch.Valikhanov Collection of Essays in five volumes. V. 5-Almaty: Main edition of the Kazakh Soviet Encyclopedia, 1985. -528 p.
4. Collection of the proverbs and the sayings of the Kazakh people. -Almaty, Mektep, 1963. -198 p.
5. M.Murzaguzhinov Tatars in Kazakhstan// Our world. -No. 02-06. 2007.
6. Web-site: www.tmk.kz
7. Web-site: www.tuyrki.weebly.com
8. N.G.Shajmerdinova, S.Zh.Tazhibaeva Turkic languages of Kazakhstan: current state// "Language and globalization": Collection of articles of XVI International Scientific and Theoretical Conference. -Almaty, Treasury, 2013. -p. 58-61.
9. Zh.Syzdykov G'abdulla Tokaj. -Alma Ata, 1975.
These data help to describe the language situation in the Republic, where 69% of the Tatars, similar to the other ethnic groups in Kazakhstan, know the Kazakh language (rather, speak different levels of Kazakh language), almost the same number know Russian. However, for the majority the communication language is Russian (59%), for 2.6% it is Kazakh, and only 9.3% communicate in the Tatar language. The last point means that many ethnic Tatars are increasingly speaking less of their native language. At the same time, there is a bilingualism among the Tatar population that accounts for 15.5% (Tatar-Russian, Tatar-Kazakh, Russian-Kazakh). There is also a trilingualism that accounts for 3.3% (Tatar, Kazakh, Russian, etc.)
Knowledge of verbal folklore and literature
Knowledge of the language involves knowledge of its culture, literature in the mother tongue, and knowledge of the verbal folklore, tales, legends, myths and historical poems. Only about 189 people (30%) were able to name some of the works of Tatar literature and verbal folklore. Many respondents are familiar with the works of the famous Tatar folk poet Gabdulla Tukay (10 people called the poem of G.Tukay "Shurale"). 20 people know the epic "Idegej", 17 people - рistorical songs about "Sujumbike captive", 16 people - the song "Kazan kajgysy"; 13 people remember the legend about Goulash Hanım; 7 people remember the tale "Chukmar and Tukmar"; 6 people remember a fairy tale about the clever donkey and the legend about "Twin rocks near the Gurfuz"; 5 people - the epic about Chura batyr, 4 persons - the poem "Yusuf and Zylikha", the epic "Alpamys", the legend "The Death of Girey" and the tale about Bekire Mustafa; 3 people remember the legend about Ayu-Dage and the "Ziljan" tale. Some remember the historical poems such as "Ravshan hon", "Kadish Mergen", "Solom Torhan" and the other well-known examples of the verbal folklore of Tatar people. In general, however, there is a tendency among the native speakers of the Tatar language towards diminished awareness of verbal folklore and Tatar literature.
Mass Media in Tatar language
The following answers were obtained for the question whether newspapers, magazines, books are published in Kazakhstan in their native language: yes - 216 people; no - 173 people, undecided - 218 people, no data - 25 people.
TV shows in their mother tongue: yes - 356 people; no - 119 people, undecided -135 people, no data - 22 people.
The radio broadcast in their mother tongue: yes - 183 people; no - 203 people, undecided - 224 people, no data - 22 people.
Using Internet in their mother tongue: yes - 136 people; no - 420 people, undecided - 52 people, no data - 24 people. The majority of "no" responses were obtained due to the large amount of information on the Internet given in the Russian language. Are there any Internet forums, blogs, chats in your native language: yes - 339 people; no - 108 people, undecided - 160 people, no data - 25 people.
Text messages in the native language: yes - 118 people, no - 454 people, undecided - 35 people, no data - 25 people, which confirms the minimum use of the mother tongue by Tatars at correspondence.
Conclusions: The cultural analysis shows that the Tatars are one of the many Turkic ethnic groups that have lived in the Republic of Kazakhstan down the ages. Their resettlement to Kazakhstan has historical, economic and cultural background. In the XVIII-XIX century, at the beginning of the XXth century the Tatars had influenced the strengthening of Islam in the Kazakh land, the development of education and culture.
Certain sociocultural tendencies are identified among modern Tatars in Kazakhstan. Among the interviewed informants, 97% of the Tatars are Kazakhstani citizens, and official ethnic identification (by passport) of 96% is recorded as Tatar. In ethnic self-identification, most informants identify themselves as Tatars and 9% informants do not correlate themselves with their ethnicity. There are two factors influencing ethnic self-identification: it is the maternal lineage in mixed families (and the children are represented by the maternal lineage) and the influence of the Russian culture and language (56.5%). Mixed marriages by age group are also interesting: Whereas in the first oldest generation, Tatars were mostly married to Russians, the second generation
increased their number of marriages with Kazakhs (compar. Kazakhs 13.2%, Russians 11%).
In the era of sovereign Kazakhstan, children in Tatar-Kazakh families are mostly recorded as Kazakhs (46% 2nd gr., 33%-3rd gr., 44% - 4th gr.). In Tatar-Russian families fewer children are recorded as Russians (21% 2nd gr., 5%-3rd gr., 40%-4th gr.). These indicators manifest the significance and influence of the Kazakh ethnicity and culture on all nations of Kazakhstan, including the Tatars in the era of sovereign Kazakhstan.
Language is an important aspect. 90% of informants (568 people) consider the Tatar language to be their native language, 70% (440 people) know the Kazakh language, 67.5% know Russian, but, as the reliable data show, education and daily communication are mostly performed in Russian (373 people use the Russian language - 59%; 59 people use the Tatar language- 9.3%; 17 people use the Kazakh language- 2.6%.) At the same time, there are different degrees of bilingualism among the Tatar population (Tatar-Russian, Tatar-Kazakh) and trilingualism.
These surveys also show a significant decline in the Tatars' knowledge of verbal folklore and literature (only 30%). At the same time the preservation of traditions, customs and the Tatar national cuisine is more sustainable.
In our view, there is now a certain cultural situation in the life of the Tatar diaspora in Kazakhstan, some aspects of which are reflected in the records of the students who volunteered for the project. On a survey report a student of a 4th year Sabitova Dilshat writes: "the members of the Tatar ethnic group speak the state language and their mother tongue, fully adopted Kazakh and Russian customs. They enjoy their lifestyles and are happy and have no intention of moving to the other countries. "Very friendly, sympathetic and calm" (the report on work practice of students of the Turkology chair of L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University from 2.09.2013 to 5.10.2013).
Another student Togabaeva Guldana, who conducted a survey in the Alginskij area of Aktobe region states that, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, Kyrgyzs living on the territory of the Alginskij region, know their mother tongue very well, as well as know their own traditions and Kazakh traditions, they willingly respond the survey questions. Whilst some Tatars and Bashkirs, mostly people of the older generation aged over 50, most of whom are original residents of Kazakhstan, are reluctant to answer questions about culture and religion, and the use of their native language. This may be related to the fact that they have lived on the territory of Kazakhstan for a while, started to forget their mother tongue, traditions and customs of their nation, and this is hard for them to realize (The report on work practice of students of the Turkology chair of L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University from 2.09.2013 to 5.10.2013).(Of course, these assessments may be somewhat subjective, but they are still relevant).
Respondents say that they wish "books are published in the Tatar language in Kazakhstan", "hobby groups for learning the Tatar language to be opened", "everyone could speak Kazakh", "happy to live in Kazakhstan", thank us for conducting an interesting project.
Literature
1. Z.Makhmutov Tatars in Northern Kazakhstan (history and modern times). -Petropavlovsk, 2004. -214 p.
2. State Archive of North Kazakhstan region , F. 158, D. 1, L. 2-5.
3. Ch.Valikhanov Collection of Essays in five volumes. V. 5-Almaty: Main edition of the Kazakh Soviet Encyclopedia, 1985. -528 p.
4. Collection of the proverbs and the sayings of the Kazakh people. -Almaty, Mektep, 1963. -198 p.
5. M.Murzaguzhinov Tatars in Kazakhstan// Our world. -No. 02-06. 2007.
6. Web-site: www.tmk.kz
7. Web-site: www.tuyrki.weebly.com
8. N.G.Shajmerdinova, S.Zh.Tazhibaeva Turkic languages of Kazakhstan: current state// "Language and globalization": Collection of articles of XVI International Scientific and Theoretical Conference. -Almaty, Treasury, 2013. -p. 58-61.
9. Zh.Syzdykov G'abdulla Tokaj. -Alma Ata, 1975.
N.G. Shaimerdinova - Doctor of Philology, Professor
Video
|
|